Environmental inequalities

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Environmental inequalities are now a terminology that is increasingly used by civil society and politicians. But what exactly do these inequalities overlap? Are they only the result of the superposition of socio-economic inequalities already widely studied with specific environmental problems (exposure to industrial or natural risk, to nuisances; difficult access to environmental amenities…)? Do they require a new look at environmental issues and therefore specific action modalities? This article seeks to shed light on this theme, which is gradually being incorporated into social reflections and public action. To do this, it highlights the causes of these inequalities, then formulates a classification that makes it possible to expand their definition. Some modalities of repair are finally presented.

1. How to define environmental inequality?

Inequality is a relatively well understood concept; it illustrates the difference in access to and use of scarce and valued resources among individuals or social groups. This difference in situation between individuals or groups may be related to the resources they hold (education, income, social and cultural capital, etc.) or to their position in society (housing, employment situation, etc.). This is a social inequality. Since inequality can be embedded in space, we will then speak of spatial (or territorial) inequalities: some places do not benefit from the same services, the same economic dynamics as others, such as in digital access, where even today in France rural areas do not have access to the same services as urban areas.

Environmental inequalities intersect three dimensions: social, territorial and, of course, environmental. More concretely, environmental inequalities are the expression of an environmental burden that would be borne primarily by disadvantaged and/or minority populations or by territories suffering from a certain poverty and exclusion of these inhabitants. However, be careful: being subjected to a risk or pollution does not systematically lead to environmental inequality.

This is the case if this situation is suffered – and sometimes unknown – by the individual or population, not modifiable or amendable by the population or individual. This is also the case if it concerns more particularly a population/territory whose socio-demographic structure shows economic, social or political vulnerability (Coverage Figure ).

To understand the concept, a multidisciplinary analysis combining expertise in the human and social sciences, environmental sciences and citizen knowledge is necessary. This article aims to answer three questions: how do environmental inequalities arise? How to define and distinguish them? How are we trying to fight them and reduce them? Finally, are we facing new socio-environmental processes here or is this a new perspective on situations of social and environmental disadvantage?

2. The social and political construction of environmental inequalities

Environmental inequalities are built on the basis of several processes that can act alone or in combination. They “do not result from a natural determinism that would affect a human population deemed homogeneous [1]“, nor from a social determinism.

One of the main causes is the lack of coverage of negative externalities by the person who creates them (developer, infrastructure operator, plant operator, waste exporting country, etc.) and by the person who benefits from the service and/or production derived from a polluting, risky and/or harmful activity. In this case, the effects of pollution emitted by an actor are not covered by the actor. The social cost is passed on to the individual who suffers its consequences (on his health, on the value of the property he may own, on the negative representation of his place of residence) and partly on society, since the latter must bear certain costs to protect citizens or reduce the impacts through appropriate measures. For example, an episode of air pollution that lasts too long causes an increase in breathing difficulties among vulnerable people, particularly asthma attacks. Children, the elderly and others will therefore suffer more and use health services more to treat themselves [2].

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Figure 1. Comparison of nitrogen oxide exposure rates (left) and socio-economic categories (right) in Paris. The least favoured socio-economic category (3) is highly exposed to the highest levels of nitrogen oxides, particularly along the ring road. [Source: Deguen S, Petit C, Delbarre A, Kihal W, Padilla C, Benmarhnia T, et al (2016) Correction: Neighbourhood Characteristics and Long-Term Air Pollution Levels Modify the Association between the Short-Term Nitrogen Dioxide Concentrations and All-Cause Mortality in Paris. PLoS ONE 11(3): e0150875. https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0150875]
Another important cause of environmental inequality is the unequal distribution of negative and positive impacts according to the territory observed (Figure 1). In fact, the positive impacts of an infrastructure often affect much broader scales (region, country) than the negative impacts (pollution, risks, nuisances such as road congestion, noise, possible devaluation of real estate, etc.) that focus on the infrastructure reception area. This phenomenon fosters the impression of injustice, both social, economic and environmental, a feeling of “territorial sacrifice [3]” in the name of the general will.

Let us take the example of an airport such as Roissy Charles de Gaulle. As a European hub, it offers a transport service for French travellers, tourists and a large number of transit passengers. Paris and the rest of France benefit from the flow of tourists thanks to him. The Ile-de-France region and the departments in which it is located are seeing the development of a number of economic activities. However, these beneficial effects do not always affect the areas closest to airports, particularly in terms of employment. Even more so, these local areas concentrate the negative effects and are poorly compensated since the positive effects are more widely distributed [4].

Similarly, planning practices [5] can encourage the emergence and entrenchment of strong environmental inequalities. Racial segregation in the American context has left a strong imprint: black-American neighbourhoods are distinct from neighbourhoods inhabited by “whites”. Segregation has flourished through urban planning regulations and investment choices, deriving from a long history of “urban marginalization” and racialization of behaviour (bankers, urban planners, local communities, individuals’ residential choices…) [6].

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Figure 2. Poster denouncing the processes of planning and eviction of poor populations (Paris, 20th) [Source: © Gobert, 2014]
In France, the allocation of social housing, through population policies [7] has led to the concentration of precarious populations and immigrants in neighbourhoods characterized by their isolation, the lack of public services and sometimes exposure to certain industrial or natural nuisances or risks [8]. Individual choices then reinforce this segregation. Similarly, urban renewal processes leading to the revaluation of certain areas, the restructuring of wasteland into green spaces (such as the quays of the Villette basin, the Eole garden in Paris) have the effect of crowding out certain low-income populations and attracting new households, with more capital (gentrification phenomenon linked to the real estate valuation caused by the proximity of amenities) [9] (Figure 2).

In France, a 2005 report [10] shows that there is no overexposure of ZUS, sensitive urban areas characterised by large areas of degraded housing and a marked imbalance between housing and employment to natural hazards. On the other hand, nearly 42% of municipalities with a ZUS are exposed to industrial risk compared to 21% for the others. This over-exposure of the ZUS is explained by the proximity between the workers’ districts and the factories, particularly in the “historical” industrial basins, but also by development choices, with affordable land).

Some researchers [11] have wanted to highlight the process of residential dynamics as the main explanatory reason for exposure disparities, considering that the individual choices (flight of the middle and upper categories of impacted areas; “choice” of households with low financial capacities to live where rents or properties are the cheapest) studied over time would deny any responsibility of developers and operators of infrastructure or plants. The latter would not make any decisions favouring inequalities, it is the individuals who would create this dynamic through their choice of place of residence. But this explanation severely limits the understanding of the phenomena leading to situations of environmental inequality and makes individual behaviour the basis of a much more complex socio-economic and territorial dynamic.

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Figure 3. Demonstration calling for a halt to the construction of the pipeline to pass upstream of the Sioux Nation of Standing Rock (Dakota, USA). With the threat of their water supply, the tribe claims that the pipeline will destroy burial sites and sacred sites. [Source: © Fibonacci Blue creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.0/ (CC BY 2.0)]
In addition to planning practices, policy towards minority and/or stigmatised population groups can create or reinforce environmental inequalities: we have mentioned racial segregation in the United States, but the status of indigenous peoples and major developments on their ancestral territory produce environmental inequalities in many countries (United States, Canada [12], Australia…), combining poor access to the decision-making process, negative impacts on indigenous societies and their practices, and low or no redistribution of the income generated by equipment (Figure 3).

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Figure 4. Photographs illustrating the official publication of a public inquiry and the place where documents are consulted [Source: © Gobert, 2015]
In addition to these causalities, there is the process by which decisions with an impact on the environment are taken. On the one hand, because not all effects on a given area and over time are studied in impact studies (health, real estate devaluation, etc.) and even less in a differentiating way depending on the population. On the other hand, because access to procedures for preparing urban planning documents, project studies or participation (impact studies, environmental assessments, etc.) requires a combination of social and cultural capital and time, as well as being recognised as a legitimate partner. Thus, the way in which public inquiries are communicated, the places of consultation remain relatively austere. While the Internet has made it possible to facilitate access to documents, they remain difficult for everyone to read, mobilizing a speech by experts (Figure 4).

Environmental inequalities are not necessarily the sum of environmental issues and social inequalities: they arise from the encounter of an environmental problem and a population or territory that is particularly vulnerable in social, economic, cultural and/or political terms. The classification below illustrates this relationship.

3. Environmental inequalities: variety of configurations

The highlighting of these causal processes shows the diversity of the forms of environmental inequalities that result from social, territorial and historical constructions that must be analysed over a relatively long period of time in order to understand their production mechanisms and be able to overcome them. “Inequalities have their origin not in a natural order of things but in a certain historically determined institutional organization of social and ecological relations. “» [13]. Also a typology of possible cases based on the scientific literature and several fields of study allows us to appreciate the variety of possible configurations:

  • differentiated exposure to an environmental impact (pollution, risks, etc.) of populations. In the United States, the awareness of cases of environmental injustice at the end of the 1970s was forged on concrete cases showing a “coincidence” between the location of highly polluting industrial infrastructures and the proximity of African-American and/or impoverished populations. [14]
  • The shifting of impacts created by one another or in other words, the unequal contribution of people and populations to environmental problems. This can result, for example, in an ecologically unequal exchange between poor countries (supplier of raw resources and receiver of waste or polluting projects) and rich countries (principals and receivers of revenues from the processing and marketing of resource products) [15].
  • differentiated access to “environmental” resources. It is necessary here to distinguish several configurations: (1) different access to resources necessary to meet basic needs (clean water, unpolluted soil, breathable air, etc.) and to fulfil vital functions (healthy food, heating, housing, etc.) [16] and (2) different distribution and accessibility of environmental amenities and ecosystem services among individuals and populations.

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Figure 5. Fountain in Plaza Vieja (Havana) surrounded by grids [Source: © Gobert, 2017]
In the first case, there are many examples: fuel poverty, difficulty in accessing clean water, etc. Figure 5 illustrates the government’s desire to prevent water withdrawal by residents in the southern part of Havana City.

The second configuration is reflected in particular in the residential choices that are constrained and made by households according to a certain number of criteria (access to transport, proximity to public transport, etc.) and the means at their disposal to find accommodation and whether or not they meet the criteria mentioned above. Choice is therefore the subject of an even stronger trade-off for disadvantaged households as they will find it difficult to “choose” a pleasant and healthy environment, as long as it has an effect on prices. Indeed, a household with low social and economic resources has very limited margins of choice, faced with the imperative of having to find housing.

We can then highlight the differentiated access to environmental amenities [17], “i.e. the attributes, natural or shaped by man, linked to a space or territory and which differentiate it from other territories that do not have them” [18]. Getting to and enjoying green spaces, forests, riverbanks or coastlines requires a number of social, economic and cultural capital. Moving to this type of space involves costs and requires knowledge of the territory and its particular characteristics.

  • the different capacity of the public to influence decisions affecting the environment, which results both from the capacity of the citizen to participate in decision-making processes (which varies according to the type of project, the willingness of planners and this, despite a persistent basis of participatory requirements included in many legislations), but also from the capital (social, cultural, economic, etc.) of populations and individuals enabling them to express themselves, make their voice heard and have their legitimacy as stakeholders recognised..
  • the differentiated and potentially unequal effects of environmental policies [19] depending on the populations to whom they are addressed and imposed. A policy in favour of environmental preservation can have a negative impact in the fight against social inequalities. This is the case for traffic restriction schemes in metropolitan areas, which target older vehicles that are much more prevalent among low-income households. Even if they improve overall air quality and public health, if they are not accompanied by support and compensation measures, they can significantly reduce the mobility of disadvantaged populations [20] and shift pollution to peripheral and disadvantaged areas.
  • justice with regard to the environment: the emergence of the theme of environmental justice has been in opposition to previous environmental movements. How can non-humans be taken into account in projects? How can we design the interface between nature, human activities and technical systems without irreversibly eroding biodiversity and natural balances, particularly climatic ones? The environmental justice movement and the conception of environmental inequalities have often from the outset overshadowed these issues [21]. Even today, the gap between social justice and ecological justice [22] still exists but is narrowing with the implementation of the most operational and sustainable mechanisms (such as social and natural based solutions).

These possible configurations cross most of the time and can be read at several scales. Thus, the unequal contribution to environmental damage can be seen at the global level through the effect of the globalization of flows. In 2006, a boat, the Probo Koala, spilled highly toxic substances in Abidjan, killing seventeen people and killing tens of thousands. The private company, an independent trader in petroleum products, which chartered it, could not get rid of this waste in Europe and therefore headed for Côte d’Ivoire in violation of European law which prohibits the export of certain types of waste from the EU to African, Caribbean and Pacific countries.

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Figure 6. Aerial view of the Cormeilles-en-Parisis (Val-d’Oise) gypsum quarry located northwest of Paris. Gypsum is the raw material for making plaster. [Source: Geoportal © IGN 2017]
It can also be deciphered at the scale of an urban area: for example, when the urban restructuring of a central city will rely on the resources of peripheral territories, considered as reservoirs (quarries, agriculture…) and as places where excreta is deposited, without really integrating into the decision-making processes the representatives and populations of these territories [23]. Thus, the Paris Metropolitan Area imports some of these raw materials (gypsum, etc.) from the second-round departments (Figure 6) and sends its waste to landfills in these same territories and others further afield.

Similarly, this diversity makes it possible to highlight that environmental inequalities do not only reinforce social or spatial inequalities or lead to a re-reading of the latter through the prism of environmental issues. The latter can also structure spatial or social inequalities. Hence the modalities of remediation, repair or compensation depend on a detailed knowledge of the situation producing them.

4. Repair or compensation procedures

Over the past few decades, general principles aimed at improving human beings’ relationship to their immediate environment have emerged: the right to a healthy environment, the right to the city [24]… But how can they be made operational through concrete measures and regulations? Which conceptions of justice should apply: “egalitarian” vision (egalitarianism): Doctrine advocating the equality of citizens in political, economic and social matters and claiming the same rights, the same treatment for all and the equal redistribution of all wealth to all individuals. In the context of environmental inequalities, it would mean that everyone suffers the same environmental disadvantages (e. g. redistribution of infrastructure) and enjoys the same amenities (e. g. green spaces).“, utilitarianismA system of morality and ethics that considers the useful as the main principle of action. A morally just policy is one that produces the greatest happiness for members of society. As such, if a project is useful to the greatest number of people, it cannot be called into question by the effects suffered by a minority because they constitute a lesser evil., liberalismClassical economic liberalism, whose authors were passionate about Newton’s theories on physics, consider that human beings are driven by their personal interests and advocate laissez-faire as long as an invisible hand ensures general balance. However, this approach has evolved over the course of many debates. Environmental justice is partly reflected in Rawls’ liberalism. The latter admits that there may be inequalities in social justice as long as it favours the most disadvantaged, and at the same time, sets strict conditions for these inequalities. Therefore, it must be possible to correct the negative effects of certain measures or policies on the poorest… … ? But the complexity and diversity of these inequalities also imply a diversity of responses that are not always easy to design or implement. How do we proceed then?

  • Removing the cause of negative impacts? It would therefore be necessary either to remove the infrastructure in question – which is difficult – or to avoid and reduce as much as possible these negative impacts, for example through the reduction of noise at source, the prohibition of toxic discharges, the landscaping of equipment..
  • Treat the impact site through specific devices? Urban policy has used this principle by targeting specific resources in areas where poverty indicators were high; this has resulted in the financing of a series of actions in the fields of socio-professional integration, culture, etc., but also more structurally through the structuring of public and green spaces.
  • Take specific actions towards vulnerable populations and strengthen their capacity for action and decision-making [25]? The environmental justice movement in the United States has sought to structure people living near polluting infrastructure, help them to make inequalities visible and then negotiate measures – where possible – to reduce the environmental burden.
  • Let the actors (operator and local residents) develop local rebalancing solutions that compensate for irreducible negative effects and redistribute positive impacts? In the United States, for example, community benefits agreements [26] (CBA) are the result of an agreement between the developer and the population, as was the case for Los Angeles airport. This CBA includes a job exchange for residents affected by the impacts (and in particular Hispanic minorities), a program to reduce atmospheric emissions and sound insulation in public housing and facilities.

All existing measures are often inconsistent with each other and do not aim to reduce inequalities, despite the efforts of some communities. In the following sub-sections, we present mechanisms to shift costs to the one that produces the impact by modulating the polluter-pays principle, as well as how the issue appears on the political agenda (local and national) in the United States and France.

4.1. Forms of internalisation: from legislation to negotiation

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Figure 7. Landing in the middle of buildings in Hong Kong. [Source: maxpixel.freegreatpicture.com, Public Domain]
As we have seen, the absence of internalisation is a source of environmental inequalities between those who create damage to others and reduce their well-being and those who suffer from it. However, the relationship between the polluted and the polluter, between the producer of nuisances and the victim of these nuisances is highly unequal, since local residents rarely have as much financial, political or organisational resources as the developer or operator. As a result, the internalization of costs will emerge in part:

  • specific legislation requiring the developer/operator to take the necessary measures to reduce the effect and/or impact on populations and environments,
  • taxation arrangements (e.g. in France, the General Tax on Polluting Activities [1]) which then provide the necessary revenue for the implementation of measures to reduce or compensate for impacts (soundproofing of housing and public buildings located near airports through the TNSA, noise pollution tax); (Figure 7).
  • the negotiation of socio-environmental compensation or compensation, which often arises as a result of a conflict between the developer/operator and the riparian pole, which can lead to a reversal of power relations between riparians and developers. Since socio-environmental compensation may be the result of local negotiations, there is no guarantee that appropriate solutions will be found in another territory in a similar configuration. This “situated justice”, however effective it may be at a specific scale, raises the question of its reproduction on other spaces and at other scales, in contrast to the previous systems mentioned above.

4.2. A political issue that is more or less integrated into the political agenda

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Figure 8. Along the Detroit River (Detroit) [Source: © Gobert, 2006]
The problem of environmental inequalities appeared in the United States in the late 1970s as “environmental justice”, even if it was not born there, as Martinez-Allier points out (ibid.). Scientists, associations and concerned inhabitants initially denounce the polluted environments in which Black African populations are confined (Figure 8) and seek to objectify them by scientifically demonstrating the correlation.

In the early 1990s, the activism of associations and opinion leaders made it possible to institutionalize environmental justice. Thus is taken by President Bill Clinton, Executive Order 12898 requiring all federal agencies to integrate an objective of environmental justice by identifying and addressing any impact that would disproportionately affect the poor or minority populations, or jeopardize their health. Specific structures were created: the Environmental Justice Office and the National Environmental Justice Advisory Committee (NEJAC). Moreover, twenty years later, the results of this integration into the political agenda remain relatively meagre in order to reduce the burden of nuisances, risks and pollution on minorities and poor populations and are more readable from a procedural point of view. Indeed, even if there is an obligation to take into account in the paper-based procedures of environmental justice communities, the reality remains the same in terms of overexposure of minority populations.

In France [28], environmental inequalities are currently mainly addressed through three main channels: environmental health through the National Environmental Health Plan, fuel poverty [29] and access to healthy food. Environmental inequalities are increasingly tending to integrate the public agenda and question the practices of planners. As announced by N. Hulot, “in this[energy] transition, it will be necessary to take into account the social dimension” “but the practical details remain unclear [30].

5. Take into account the social impacts of environmental policies

Environmental inequalities are not a new phenomenon; situations of social vulnerability coupled with environmental situations (exposure to pollutants, lack of access to amenities, etc.) and problematic territorial discrimination have a long history. But a new perspective has been brought to the latter, on the one hand with the emergence of environmental concerns [31] and their institutionalization at the end of the 1960s; on the other hand because of citizen and scientific mobilization, denouncing and studying the overexposure suffered by certain populations.

These inequalities are not natural, resulting from a geographical determinism; they have historically, socially and culturally emerged through the way land is developed, certain populations are treated, natural resources are exploited, economic activities are distributed… In this respect, they constitute a large area of political appropriation to be avoided, reduced or compensated.

Thus, their understanding and remediation require them not to think about environmental problems from a technical point of view alone, but to rethink territories and their development, as well as environmental policies, in order not to overlook their social impacts. The environmental issue cannot be dehumanized and desocialized, precisely because human beings and their activities are at the root of the scarcity of resources, their pollution and, in part, the unequal distribution of a number of environmental ills and goods.

 


References and notes

Cover image. Dharavi slum in Mumbai district (Bombay, India), near Mahim Junction. The inhabitants of these slums suffer, without being able to do anything about it, from the various risks and pollution associated with their environment. [Source: By A. Savin (Wikimedia Commons – WikiPhotoSpace) (Own work)[FAL], via Wikimedia Commons]

[1]Larrère, C. (2017) Les inégalités environnementales, Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, p. 12

[2] WHO (2016), Ambient air pollution: a global assessment of exposure and burden of disease,[Online] : http://apps.who.int/iris/bitstream/10665/250141/1/9789241511353-eng.pdf?ua=1

[3] NIJKAMP P. et al., (1992), “Sustainable Development in a Regional System”, in: M. J. Breheny (ed.), Sustainable Development and Urban Form, Series editor P.W. J. Batey, pp. 39-66.

[4] Faburel G. (coord.) (2006) Les effets des trafics aériens autour des aéroports franciliens. Volume 1: State of knowledge and assessment methods on environmental themes, CRETEIL Report for UNA-Canada, ADP and DGAC, May, 158 p.

[5] That is, how to plan the city, how to structure development operations, such as urban renewal, infrastructure installation or equipment construction

[6] MASSEY D., DENTON N. (1993) American Apartheid, Havard University Press

[7] “All interventions (on housing supply, on allocations or on social support) carried out by actors (institutional and operational) in order to modify the occupation of social housing” (ANRU Monitoring Committee, 2014)

[8] Sala Pala, V., Kullberg, J., Tomlins, R. and Henry, G. (2005) Housing policies and ethnic minorities in the European Union, in Les minorités ethniques dans l’Union européenne, La Découverte.

[9] Clerval A., Fleury A. (2009) “Urban policies and gentrification, a critical analysis based on the Paris case”, L’Espace Politique[On line], 8 : https://espacepolitique.revues.org/1314

[10] Report of the General Inspectorate of the Environment on ecological inequalities in urban areas of 2005 Report available online: http://cgedd.documentation.developpement-durable.gouv.fr/documents/cgedd/2004-0116-01.pdf

[11] BEEN, V., GUPTA, F. (1997) Coming to the Nuisance or Going to the Barrios? A Longitudinal Analysis of Environmental Justice Claims, Ecology Law Quaterly, n°24-1, p 1-56

[12] Bone, R., Anderson, R. (2017), Indigenous Peoples and Resource Development in Canada, 506 p. Captus Press.

[13] Centemeri L., Renou G., 2017, “How far does the ecological economy think about environmental inequality? Around the work of Joan Martinez Alier”, in Larrère, C. (2017), p 53-72

[14] TAYLOR, D.E. (2014). Toxic Communities. Environmental Racism, Industrial Pollution and residential Mobility. New York: New York University Press.

[15] Martinez-Alier, J. (2014). L’écologisme des pauvres, Une étude des conflits environnementaux dans le monde, Paris: Les Petits Matins.

[16] Harpet, C., Billet, P. (2016), Justice and environmental injustices, L’Harmattan.

[17] Kalaora, B. (1998) Au-delà de la nature l’environnement, L’observation sociale de l’environnement, Paris: L’Harmattan; Deldrève, V. (2011). Preservation of the coastal environment and ecological inequalities: The example of Le Touquet-Paris-Plage. Spaces and societies, 144-145.

[18] OECD (1999), Biodiversity Protection Manual: Design and Implementation of Incentives, Paris.

[19] Deldrève, V., Candau, J. (2014) Producing fair environmental inequalities? Sociology, 3 Vol. 5, p. 255-269.

[20] La Branche, S., Charles, L. (2012) Étude d’acceptabilité sociale de la ZAPA de l’agglomération grenobloise: synthèse des principaux résultats. Air Pollution: Climate, Health, Society, Air Pollution, p.226-230; Gobert, J. (2015) Socio-environmental compensatory measures and social acceptance, in Levrel H. et al., Restoring nature to mitigate development impacts- Analysis of compensatory measures for biodiversity, QUAE, p. 34-44.

[21] SZE, J., London, J., (2009) Environmental Justice at the Crossroads, Sociology Compass, No. 2, vol. 4, pp. 1331-1354.

[22] Shoreman-Ouimet E., Kopnina H., 2015, Reconciling ecological and social justice to promote biodiversity conservation, Biological conservation, 184, pp. 320-326.

[23] Kelly-Reif, K., Wing, S. (2016) Urban-rural exploitation: An underappreciated dimension of environmental injustice, Journal of Rural Studies, Vol. 47 A, pp. 350-358.

[24] LEFEBVRE H. (1968) Le droit à la ville, Paris: Anthropos.

[25] Sen, A. (1985) Commodities and Capabilities, Oxford: Elsevier Science Publishers.

[26] Videos on CBAs: https://www.youtube.com/watch?time_continue=163&v=dlUn_tdloYE / https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5zn_LBu3drE

[27] TGAP is due by companies whose activity or products are considered as pollutants: waste, polluting emissions, lubricating oils and preparations, detergents, extraction materials, etc.

[28] The question of the effects of a polluted environment on vulnerable populations does not date back to the recent acclimatization of “environmental justice” in France. The major epidemiological studies of the 19th century highlight the living conditions of workers in a particular environment.

[29] That is, the difficulty of poor households to pay energy bills, and therefore on the one hand to be able to live in decent conditions with very ambitious national renovation objectives within the framework of the Energy Transition Law.

[30] Nicolas Hulot, Minister of State for the Environment, 2017.

[31] Here again, there is no particular recency. Historians show that as early as the 19th century, the increasing scarcity of resources and biodiversity began to question scientists. LUGLIA, R (2015), Scientists to protect nature. The acclimatization society (1854-1960). Presses Universitaires de Rennes.


The Encyclopedia of the Environment by the Association des Encyclopédies de l'Environnement et de l'Énergie (www.a3e.fr), contractually linked to the University of Grenoble Alpes and Grenoble INP, and sponsored by the French Academy of Sciences.

To cite this article: GOBERT Julie (February 7, 2019), Environmental inequalities, Encyclopedia of the Environment, Accessed December 9, 2024 [online ISSN 2555-0950] url : https://www.encyclopedie-environnement.org/en/society/environmental-inequalities/.

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环境不平等

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  环境不平等是公民社会和政治家广泛使用的一个术语。然而,这些不平等现象究竟有何交叉重叠之处?它们是否只是已被广泛研究过的社会经济不平等与特定环境问题(接触工业危险或自然灾害,难以获得环境便利)叠加的结果?是否需要重新审视环境问题并采取相应的行动措施。环境不平等已被纳入社会思考和公共行动的主题。本文探究造成环境不平等的原因,提出分类方法,扩展其定义,并提出了一些补救措施。

1. 环境不平等的定义

  不平等是一个比较容易理解的概念,是指个人或社会群体在获取和使用稀缺资源和有价值的资源方面的差异。个人或群体之间的这种差异可能与他们拥有的资源(教育、收入、社会和文化资本等)或与他们在社会中的地位(住房、就业状况等)有关。这是社会不平等。不平等也存在于空间中。我们将讨论空间(或者地域)上的不平等:一些地方无法获得与其他地方相同的服务和经济活力。例如,在网络使用方面,法国的农村地区就无法获得和城市地区相同的服务。

  环境不平等主要涉及三个方面:社会、地域,当然还有环境。具体而言,环境不平等是一种环境负担的表现形式。这种负担主要由弱势人口和(或)少数民族人口,或贫困人口来承担。需要强调的是,环境风险或工业污染并不会真正的导致环境不平等。

  因此,环境不平等也可以被定义为:个人或群体承担了某种社会压力,然而并不能通过自身力量改善或摆脱这种困境。封面图片就展示了一种环境不平等现象。社会-人口结构能够显示经济、社会、政治等的脆弱性,从而便于剖析环境不平等出现的真正原因。

  为了更深入地理解环境不平等这一概念,我们结合了人文社科、环境科学和公众常识进行了多学科、跨领域分析。本文旨在解答以下四个问题:1)环境不平等是如何产生的?2)如何定义和区分环境不平等?3)如何消除和减少环境不平等现象?4)环境不平等究竟是我们面临的新的社会发展进程,还是看待社会和环境不利状况的新视角?

2. 环境不平等的社会政治剖析

  环境不平等是建立在多个过程基础上的,这些过程可以单独作用,也可以共同作用。环境不平等 “既不是自然决定论的结果——自然决定论会影响被认为是同质的人口[1],也不是社会决定论的结果。

  首先,最重要的原因是在现实生活中,那些造成环境污染、产生有害物质的个人或群体(开发商、基础设施运营商、工厂运营商、污染物排放大国等)往往并不需要对这些行为带来的负面影响负责,那些从服务或生产中获益的个人或群体也没有承担责任。在这个语境中,行为者排放的污染所造成的影响并不由行为者承担。社会成本转嫁给了承受其后果的个人(对其健康、财产、住所产生负面影响);部分转嫁给了社会,因为社会必须承担一定的成本以保护人民,或通过适当的措施减少影响。例如,长期暴露于空气污染的环境中会导致易感人群呼吸困难,尤其是哮喘病患者。儿童、老年人等体弱人群更容易患病,更需要及时、便利的医疗设备[2]

环境百科全书-环境不平等-氮氧化物暴露度和社会经济类别对比
图1. 巴黎氮氧化物暴露度(左)和社会经济类别(右)对比图。最差的社会经济类别(第三种)暴露于最高水平的氮氧化物,尤其是环路沿线。
[图片来源:Deguen S, Petit C, Delbarre A, Kihal W, Padilla C, Benmarhnia T, et al (2016) Correction: Neighbourhood Characteristics and Long-Term Air Pollution Levels Modify the Association between the Short-Term Nitrogen Dioxide Concentrations and All-Cause Mortality in Paris. PLoS ONE 11(3): e0150875. https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0150875]

  造成环境不平等的另一个重要原因是,消极影响和积极影响具有显著的空间差异(图1)。事实上,基础设施的积极影响往往比消极影响(污染、风险、滋扰如道路拥堵、噪音、房地产可能贬值等)的影响范围更广(地区、国家)消极影响主要集中于基础设施的接收区域。这种现象给人一种不公平的印象,包括社会、经济和环境方面的不公平。给人一种“地域牺牲[3]”的感觉。

  作为欧洲枢纽的戴高乐机场为大量游客和过境旅客提供了交通运输服务,因此,巴黎和法国其他地区都受益于戴高乐机场带来的游客流量。法兰西岛地区及其所在省份的经济活动得到了发展。而且,这些有利的影响并非仅是惠及最靠近机场的地区,尤其是在就业方面。更重要的是,在这些地区集中建造机场的消极影响,但却没有得到应有的补偿,因为积极影响惠及的范围更为广泛[4]

  同时,城市规划[5]也会助长出现严重的环境不平等现象。美国的种族隔离制度早已根深蒂固:因此,美国黑人居住区与白人居住区截然不同。长期以来的城市边缘化和行为种族化(银行家、城市规划师、地方社区、个人的居住选择等)通过城市规划方案和投资选择使得隔离现象愈演愈烈[6]

环境百科全书-环境不平等-海报
图2. 谴责城市规划不合理和驱逐贫困人口的海报(巴黎,20th)。
[图片来源:©Gobert,2014]

  在法国,社会住房常常根据人口政策进行分配[7],不合理的政策往往把贫困人口和移民集中在缺乏公共服务、工业污染严峻、自然灾害频发的社区中[8],个人的选择加剧了这种隔离。同样,在城市化过程中,某些区域的价值被重新估值,将荒地改建为绿地(如维莱特盆地的码头、巴黎的伊欧花园等)。挤走了收入较低的原住民,吸引来了拥有更多资本的新家庭(绅士化现象与便利设施附近的房地产估值有关)[9](图2)。

  法国2005年的一份报告[10]显示,住房条件差、住房和就业明显失衡的城市敏感区并没有过度暴露于自然危害。然而,近42%的城市敏感区暴露于工业污染,而其他区域是21%。住宅区和工厂之间距离过近(尤其是在“历史悠久”的工业盆地)是造成城市敏感区过度暴露的原因。此外开发选择也是一个原因,因为有负担的起的土地。

  一些研究人员[11]认为居住地的动态变化是造成暴露差异的主要原因,认为个人选择(受影响地区中上层人口的逃离;经济能力差的家庭 “选择”居住在租金或物业最便宜的地方)是主要原因,否认了基础设施或工厂开发商和运营商的任何责任。后者不会做出任何有利于不平等的决定,是个人通过选择居住地造成了这种动态。但这种解释严重限制了对导致环境不平等现象的理解,使个人行为成为解释更为复杂的社会经济和地域动态的基础。

环境百科全书-环境不平等-示威活动
图3. 呼吁停止在立岩苏族(美国达科他州)上游修建管道的示威活动。由于水源受到威胁,该部落生成管道将破坏墓的和圣地。
[图片来源:© Fibonacci Blue creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.0/ (CC BY 2.0)]

  除了城市规划政策,针对少数群体和受歧视群体政策也会造成环境不平等。我们提到了美国的种族隔离造成了环境不平等,此外在许多国家(美国、加拿大[12]、澳大利亚等),原住民的地位以及在其祖先领地上进行的大开发也会造成了环境不平等,包括原住民难以参与决策过程,参与生产活动获得的收入较低,以及对土著社会及其习俗造成了负面影响(图3)。

环境百科全书-环境不平等-公开研究结果
图4. 公开研究结果的官方出版物和文件查阅地点。
[图片来源:© Gobert, 2015]

  政策决策也会对环境产生影响。首先,在决策制定过程中并没有对特定地区受到的所有影响进行研究(健康、房地产贬值等),更没有根据人口的不同进行区别对待。其次,城市规划文件编制、项目研究进展、合作伙伴选择等手续流程需要社会资本和时间成本相互协调。虽然通过公共咨询获取结果的难度较小,但咨询场所仍然十分简陋。互联网能够帮助人们便捷地获取文件,但大众往往难以理解这些文件,由此可见,专家宣传讲解也是十分重要的(图4)。

  环境不平等并不单是环境问题和社会不平等的加总。环境不平等指的是在社会、经济、文化、政治方面特别弱势的人口或地区所经历的环境问题。下文我们将对环境不平等进行分类。

3. 环境不平等的分类

  环境不平等的形式多种多样,它们产生于社会、地域和历史的建构。必须对这些建构进行较长时间的分析,以便剖析其生成机制并探寻解决方案。“不平等现象并非源于自然发展规律,而是源于由历史决定的社会和生态关系的制度组织[13]。此外,基于科学文献和跨学科探索,我们可以了解到构成环境不平等的类型:

  • 受到环境影响(空气污染和风险等)的程度不同。在美国,1970年代末,美国人民通过一些案例了解了环境不平等。这些案例显示,高污染工业基础设施的位置与非裔美国人和(或)贫困人口住地存在“巧合”[14]
  • 资源的互相转移,也就是不同国家对解决环境问题的不对等付出。例如,发展中国家(原始资源提供者,废物和污染物的接受者)与发达国家(资源产品加工方,销售收入主要接受者)之间环境上的不平等交换[15]
  • 环境资源的不同获取方式。有必要区分以下几种情况:(1)满足基本需求(清洁水、未污染土壤、可呼吸空气等)和实现重要功能(健康食品、取暖、住房等)所需资源的获取方式不同[16];(2)不同的个体和种群在获取环境便利和生态服务方面存在差异。
环境百科全书-环境不平等-被网格包围的喷泉
图5. 维耶亚广场(哈瓦那)上被网格围住的喷泉。
[图片来源:© Gobert, 2017]

  第一种环境不平等类型案例包括燃料匮乏、难以获得清洁用水等。图5中当地政府用网格围住喷泉,防止哈瓦那市南部居民取水。

  第二种环境不平等类型体现在居民对住宅的选择上。居民会根据一定标准(交通便利、临近公共交通等)选择住房。因此,对于贫困家庭而言,住宅选择是需要权衡的,他们无法承担高昂的房价,因此他们很难拥有一个舒适健康的环境。事实上,社会经济资源匮乏的家庭往往面临紧迫的住房需求,选择余地较小。

  因此,能否接触到环境便利设施很大程度造成了环境不平等[17]。也就是说,空间和地域的自然原生属性或人为创造属性使一个区域有别于其他区域[18],享受绿地、森林、河岸或海岸需要拥有大量社会、经济、文化资本。前往这类空间需要付出代价,还需要了解该地域及其特殊性。

  • 公众影响环境政策的能力不同。这既取决于公众参与决策过程的能力(因项目类型而异,也因决策者的意愿而异,尽管许多法案中都要求提高公共参与度),也取决于其社会、文化、经济资本是否充裕,使自己的声音能被听到,并以利益相关者的身份得到合法的认可。
  • 环境政策及其造成的潜在的不平等[19]取决于其实施过程中针对的不同的人群。环境保护政策也许可以消除社会不平等所产生的负面影响。繁华城区的交通管制措施限制了低收入家庭驾驶老旧汽车上路,尽管这一举措改善了整体空气质量,但如果没有配套的补偿措施,该政策也显著降低了弱势群体[20]的流动性,并将污染转移到了周边和贫困地区。
  • 环境正义:环境正义与环境运动是对立的。实施政策时如何充分考虑非人类因素?如何利用现有技术综合考量自然-人类耦合系统?如何能够减少对生物多样性的破坏,从而维持自然平衡,尤其是气候平衡?环境正义运动和环境不平等的概念从一开始就给这些问题蒙上了阴影[21],即使在今天,社会公正和生态公正之间的差距仍然存在[22],但随着自然环境保护机制和可持续机制(如基于社会和自然的解决方案)的实施,差距正在逐步减小。

  这些环境不平等类型在大多数时间都是交叉重叠的,可以在多个尺度进行解读。在全球化浪潮影响下,可以在全球范围看到对环境所做的破坏。2006年,一艘名为Probo Koala的船只在阿比让泄漏剧毒物质,造成17人当场身亡,之后的污染扩散又造成了数万人死亡。该船只所属的私营公司是一家独立的石油产品贸易商,但该公司没有能力在欧洲清理这些污染物质。该公司违反了欧洲的相关法律,该法律禁止船只从欧盟向非洲、加勒比和太平洋国家出口某些类型废物。

环境百科全书-环境不平等-硫酸钙采石场鸟瞰图
图6. 巴黎西北部的Cormeilles-en-Parisis 硫酸钙采石场鸟瞰图,硫酸钙是制作石膏的原料
[图片来源:Geoportal©IGN 2017]

  环境不平等也可以基于城市层面进行分析。当中心城区进行城市重组时,往往会占用周边地区的资源,用作蓄水池和垃圾场。而这些地区的居民并未真正参与决策过程[23]。因此,巴黎大都会区从二线省份采购了一批原材料(石膏等)(图6),并将产生的废弃物送往这些地区和其他更远地区的垃圾填埋场。

  综上所述,环境不平等的多样性让我们意识到,环境不平等不仅加剧了社会不平等和空间不平等,也让人们通过环境问题重新解读了社会不平等和空间不平等。因此,我们应当从其成因及其类型来改善、解决环境不平等现象。

4. 修复或赔偿程序

  在过去几十年中,许多国家都颁布了改善人类与其周边环境的条例:健康环境权、城市居住权[24]等。但如何通过具体措施和法律法规使这些条例付诸实施呢?平等究竟该如何定义?“平等主义”主张:提倡公民在政治、经济和社会事务上平等,并要求所有人享有同等权利、同等待遇以及将所有财富平等重新分配给所有人。在环境不平等的背景下,这意味着每个人都承担相同的环境问题(例如基础设施的重新分配)并享受相同的便利(例如绿色空间)。功利主义主张,效益是主要的行为准则,提倡追求“最大幸福”。因此,如果一个政策对绝大多数人是有用的,它不可能因为使少数人遭受不利影响而受到质疑,因为它造成的危害较小。古典主义经济自由主义者热衷于牛顿的物理学理论,认为人类受个人利益驱使,只要有一只看不见的手能够确保总体平衡,就可以自由放任。然而,这种方法在多轮辩论中不断演变。罗尔斯的自由主义部分反应了环境正义。后者认为,只要有利于最弱势的群体,社会正义就可能存在不平等。同时为这些不平等设置了严格的条件。因此,必须设法纠正某些措施或政策对最贫穷者的负面影响。然而,环境不平等的复杂性和多样性也意味着应对措施的多样性,而这些应对措施并不总是那么容易设计或实施的。我们究竟该从何着手呢?

  消除对环境造成负面影响的根源。拆除破坏环境的基础设施是一件难事,我们应该尽可能避免或减少这些设备造成的负面影响,例如从源头上控制噪声污染、禁止有毒物质排放、优化工厂设备等。

  使用特殊措施处理环境破坏区域。城市规划政策可以设立特别资金,将其用于贫困指数较高的区域。可以为社会职业融合、文化等领域的一些活动提供资金支持,在城市中增添公共设施和草坪绿地。

  针对弱势群体采取行动,加强他们的行动和决策能力[25]。美国的环境正义运动试图将生活在高污工厂附近的人们组织起来,帮助他们将环境不平等现象公之于众,通过谈判采取措施减轻环境负担。

  让参与者(运营商和当地居民)共同制定环境再平衡的解决方案,补偿因环境不平衡造成的负面影响,重新分配其积极影响。如在美国,社区利益协议[26]就是开发商和居民协议的结果,洛杉矶机场就是很好的案例。社区利益协议包括为受影响的居民(尤其是西班牙裔少数民族)提供换工作的机会,减少污染气体排放,以及设置绿化隔音带。

  尽管一些社区为解决环境不平等现象做出了努力,但现有措施往往互不一致,且并非以减少环境不平等为目标。下文我们将介绍将成本转嫁给产生影响一方的“谁污染谁付费”原则,以及在美国和法国,这一机制是如何出现在(地方和国家)政治议程上的。

4.1. 内化形式——从立法到谈判

环境百科全书-环境不平等-建筑物中间着陆的飞机
图7. 飞机在香港的建筑物中间降落。
[图片来源:maxpixel.freegreatpicture.com,公共资源]

  正如我们所看到的那样,造成环境不平等的根源在于污染者和被污染者之间缺乏内化。由于当地居民很少有开发商或运营商那样的财力、政治或组织资源,他们之间的关系是极不平等的。因此,内化的成本体现在以下几方面:

  • 具体立法,要求开发商、运营商采取必要措施来减少对人口和环境的影响。
  • 制定相应的税收政策,(如法国制定了污染活动一般税[1])用于建设减少污染的设施。法国政府利用该税收收入对机场附近的住房和公共建筑做了隔音处理(图7)。
  • 社会环境补偿谈判,这往往是开发商、运营商与当地居民之间冲突的结果,可能导致双方之间权力关系的逆转。由于社会环境补偿具有地域性,因此无法确保每个类似案件都能找到恰当的解决方法。这被称为“情境正义”。与之前的方法相比,这种解决办法只能解决特定场合的环境不平等,很难在其他地域和不同尺度上再现。

4.2. 已被纳入政治议程的政治问题

环境百科全书-环境不平等-底特律河沿岸情景
图8. 底特律河沿岸。
[图片来源:©Gobert,2006]

  正如马丁内斯·阿利尔所言,尽管环境不平等问题并非诞生于美国,但在1970年代末,它以“环境正义”的名义在美国出现。科学家、协会和有关居民严厉谴责非洲黑人所处的污染环境(图8),并试图通过科学研究来论述环境不平等问题。

  1990年代初,协会和舆论领袖的积极行动使环境正义制度化成为可能。比尔·克林顿总统发布了第12898号行政命令,要求所有联邦机构处理任何危害穷人或少数民族健康的环境污染,并将其纳入环境正义目标。同时,克林顿设立了环境正义办公室和国家环境正义咨询委员会。然而,二十年后的今天,这种纳入政治议程的做法在减轻少数族裔和贫困人口环境负担方面取得的成果仍相对较少,更多地是从程序角度具有可读性。事实上,即使在书面程序中考虑到了环境正义,但在现实生活中,少数族裔和贫困人口仍然处于过度暴露状态。

  法国[28]目前主要通过三个渠道解决环境不平等问题:通过国家环境健康计划实现环境健康,解决燃料贫困[29]及获得健康食品。环境不平等逐渐被纳入公共议程,群众也可以质疑规划者的做法。正如胡洛所言,“在能源转型过程中,必须考虑到社会维度”。然而,具体细节仍然不够明朗[30]

5. 环境政策的社会影响

  环境不平等并不是一个新现象。社会脆弱性、环境问题(接触污染物、无法获得便利设施等)和地域歧视是存在已久的问题。然而看待该问题有了新的视角,一方面是由于社会对环境问题的关注[31]以及1960年代末将其制度化,另一方面是由于公民和科学行动起来,谴责和研究某些人群遭受的过度暴露。

  环境不平等并不是自然形成的,而是地理决定论造成的。在历史、社会和文化变迁过程中,土地资源的利用、贫困人口的遭遇、自然资源的开发、经济活动的分配等都会造成环境不平等。它们构成了应避免、减少或补偿的政治侵占的一大领域。

  综上所述,理解并解决环境不平等问题就不能仅仅从技术角度来考虑环境问题,而应重新思考区域发展以及环境政策,避免忽视其社会影响。不能抛开人和社会的因素考虑环境问题,因为人类及其活动是资源匮乏、资源污染的根源,在一定程度上也是环境弊病和产品分配不均的根源。

 


参考资料及说明

封面图片:印度孟买靠近马希姆路口的达拉维贫民窟。这些贫民窟的居民遭受着与环境有关的各种污染,对此却无能为力 [来源:A.Savin(Wikimedia Commons–WikiPhotoSpace)[FAL], Wikimedia Commons]

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[5] 也就是说,如何规划城市,如何构建发展业务,如城市改造、基础设施安装或设备建设

[6] MASSEY D., DENTON N. (1993) American Apartheid, Havard University Press

[7] “为改变社会住房的占用情况,(机构和业务)行为者采取的所有干预措施(住房供应、分配或社会支持)”(ANRU Monitoring Committee, 2014)

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[14] TAYLOR, D.E. (2014). Toxic Communities. Environmental Racism, Industrial Pollution and residential Mobility. New York: New York University Press.

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[21] SZE, J., London, J., (2009) Environmental Justice at the Crossroads, Sociology Compass, No. 2, vol. 4, pp. 1331-1354.

[22] Shoreman-Ouimet E., Kopnina H., 2015, Reconciling ecological and social justice to promote biodiversity conservation, Biological conservation, 184, pp. 320-326.

[23] Kelly-Reif, K., Wing, S. (2016) Urban-rural exploitation: An underappreciated dimension of environmental injustice, Journal of Rural Studies, Vol. 47 A, pp. 350-358.

[24] LEFEBVRE H. (1968) Le droit à la ville, Paris: Anthropos.

[25] Sen, A. (1985) Commodities and Capabilities, Oxford: Elsevier Science Publishers.

[26] Videos on CBAs: https://www.youtube.com/watch?time_continue=163&v=dlUn_tdloYE / https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5zn_LBu3drE.

[27] TGAP 由其活动或产品被视为污染物的公司承担:废物、污染排放物、润滑油和制剂、洗涤剂、萃取材料等。

[28] 环境污染对弱势群体的影响问题并非源起于法国最近才提出的“环境正义 ”。19 世纪的主要流行病学研究强调了特定环境中工人的生活条件。

[29] 贫困家庭难以支付能源费用,因此,即使国家在《能源转型法》的框架下实施了住房翻新目标,贫困家庭也难以在体面的条件下生活。

[30] Nicolas Hulot, Minister of State for the Environment, 2017.

[31] 在这方面,也没有特别的新近性。历史学家指出,早在 19 世纪,资源和生物多样性的日益稀缺就开始引起科学家的质疑。 LUGLIA, R (2015), Scientists to protect nature. The acclimatization society (1854-1960). Presses Universitaires de Rennes.


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To cite this article: GOBERT Julie (March 11, 2024), 环境不平等, Encyclopedia of the Environment, Accessed December 9, 2024 [online ISSN 2555-0950] url : https://www.encyclopedie-environnement.org/zh/societe-zh/environmental-inequalities/.

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